View Trans-Texas Corridor Timeline: [HERE]
Search Articles in TTC News Archives: [HERE]
View the Trans-Texas Corridor Blog: [HERE]
The Trans Texas Toll Corridors,"Innovative Connectivity in Texas / Vision 2009", eminent domain abuse, and the Texas Toll Road Rebellion
So now we know the value Goldman Sachs Group Inc. places on salving its conscience for screwing up what Chief Executive Officer Lloyd Blankfein called “God’s work.” It seems that $500 million is all it takes to compensate the world for Goldman’s role in creating the credit crunch.
Goldman said yesterday it’s setting up a “10,000 Small Businesses Initiative.” It will shell out $200 million to educational institutions to help guide business owners, with a further $300 million invested for lending and philanthropy aimed at community development groups. Billionaire investor Warren Buffett, whose Berkshire Hathaway Inc. is the largest Goldman shareholder, is joining the initiative.
Here’s another way of looking at this sudden burst of supposed generosity. Goldman has $16.7 billion stashed in its bonus pot from the record profit earned in the first nine months of the year, which works out at $527,192 per staffer.
That means those 10,000 small businesses the securities firm says it wants to help are worth the equivalent of about 1,000 Goldman employees. Alternatively, a Goldmanite’s average contribution to society is pitched at the equivalent of 10 small enterprises, based on that bonus-versus-charity calculation.
False Gods
Even at the Stakhanovite work rates the firm legendarily squeezes out of its staff, that’s quite a stretch. The idea that one banker is worth 10 businesses is the kind of math that got us into this mess, with finance falsely elevated until it became an end in itself, rather than a means to providing services to the real economy.
The public isn’t likely to fall for this charade. The financial community has already spent too many years parading its charitable contributions to help divert attention from its risk-taking adventures.
Tax-deductible gestures are no longer sufficient to comfort those who have seen their pension pots devastated by the credit crisis; even with this year’s rallies, the total value of the major global stock exchanges is still a bit less than $45 trillion, down from a peak of almost $62 trillion at the end of 2007, before the subprime meltdown wrecked the global economy.
Potentially more valuable than the charity fig-leaf is the apology Blankfein made yesterday. “We participated in things that were clearly wrong and have reason to regret,” Blankfein, 55, said at a conference in New York hosted by a magazine called Directorship. It would be nice to think that banking chiefs truly -- albeit very belatedly -- recognize that their reckless propagation of alchemical securities must never be repeated.
Fawning Adoration
Blankfein’s apology might ring truer, however, if he hadn’t been named CEO of the year by the magazine whose conference he was gracing with his presence. The fawning adoration for the multimillionaires who run the banking industry has only been diminished, not destroyed, by the damage their actions wrought.
If he worked for anyone other than Goldman Sachs, Blankfein would probably be out of a job by now. His remark earlier this month to the Sunday Times magazine that bankers are “doing God’s work” is the kind of indiscretion that loses you the key to the executive bathroom at most public companies.
No matter how many charitable donations it makes, Goldman will struggle to shake off the moniker bestowed on it by Matt Taibbi in Rolling Stone magazine earlier this year. Taibbi described the firm as “a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.” Goldman and its peers need to practice humility and contriteness for an extended period, rather than seeking image-buffing headlines with token gestures.
(Mark Gilbert is the London bureau chief and a columnist for Bloomberg News. The opinions expressed are his own.)
It hasn’t gotten much media attention, but last week, Texas voters overwhelmingly approved Amendment 11, an eminent domain reform measure that purports to ban “economic development” takings of the kind the Supreme Court upheld in Kelo v. City of New London.
Texas badly needs stronger protection for property rights, since it has a long history of eminent domain abuse, including recent examples documented by the Institute for Justice (the libertarian public interest firm that represented the property owners in Kelo) in this report.
Unfortunately, the new Texas law is one of a long series of eminent domain reforms that fall short of actually forbidding the kinds of abuses they supposedly target.
The amendment does forbid the taking of property for “the primary purpose of economic development or enhancement of tax revenues.” , But it continues to permit condemnations in areas with “urban blight.”
And, as I document in this article (pg. 2124), Texas is one of many states where the definition of “blight” is so broad as to include virtually any property that the government might want to condemn. Indeed, Texas’ definition counts as “blighted” any area that, due to a wide range of possible causes, creates an “economic or social liability to the municipality” where it is located.
This includes any area that creates an “economic . . . liability” because of insufficient development. Furthermore, the new Amendment still allows the power of eminent domain to be wielded by private organizations if they are “granted the power of eminent domain under [state] law.”
Amendment 11 is a small improvement over Texas’ previous almost completely toothless post-Kelo reform law (which I discussed in this article, pp. 2124, 2135–37).
The major is that “blight” now has to be shown on a property by property basis. Previously, local governments could simply declare an entire area blighted and then condemn any property within it, even if there was nothing wrong with that particular tract.
However, the impact of this improvement is likely to be minor, at best, given the ease of proving the existence of proving “blight” under Texas’ definition of the term. Amendment 11 also closes the previous law’s loophole allowing takings for “community development.” However, the broad blight exemption undercuts this improvement as well. “Community development” takings can easily be couched as “blight” takings.
Why did Amendment 11 turn out to be so ineffective? One possible explanation is that, under the Texas Constitution, a proposed amendment has to get the approval of two thirds of the state legislature before being submitted to a popular referendum. In my recent article on post–Kelo reform, I found that eminent domain laws that go through the state legislature are far less likely to impose meaningful constraints on condemnation than those that are enacted by an initiative process in which citizen groups can place propositions on the ballot directly.
State legislators have strong incentives to water down eminent domain reforms so that takings that benefit influential interest groups can continue. And widespread political ignorance makes it difficult for voters to tell the difference between laws that actually ban economic development takings and those that merely pretend to do so, while allowing them to continue under a different name.
The private homes that New London, Conn., took away from Suzette Kelo and her neighbors have been torn down. Their former site is a wasteland of fields of weeds, a monument to the power of eminent domain.
But now Pfizer, the drug company whose neighboring research facility had been the original cause of the homes' seizure, has just announced that it is closing up shop in New London.
To lure those jobs to New London a decade ago, the local government promised to demolish the older residential neighborhood adjacent to the land Pfizer was buying for next-to-nothing. Suzette Kelo fought the taking to the Supreme Court, and lost. Five justices found this redevelopment met the constitutional hurdle of "public use."
The Hartford Courant reports:
Pfizer Inc. will shut down its massive New London research and development headquarters and transfer most of the 1,400 people working there to Groton, the pharmaceutical giant said Monday....
Pfizer is now deciding what to do with its giant New London offices, and will consider selling it, leasing it and other options, a company spokeswoman said.
Scott Bullock, Kelo's co-counsel in the case, told me: "This shows the folly of these redevelopment projects that use massive taxpayer subsidies and other forms of corporate welfare and abuse eminent domain."
© 2009 Washington Examiner: www.washingtonexaminer.comHNTB
Founded in 1914, and the developer of the first modern turnpike, HNTB is a giant engineering and architecture firm that serves as general engineering consultant for dozens of toll authorities across the U.S. It has $800 million a year in sales, employs 3,700 workers and has more than 60 offices. It has worked for NTTA since 1953.
RBC Capital Markets
RBC Capital Markets has been NTTA's financial adviser since 1983. It is a subsidiary of Canada's largest company by market share, Royal Bank of Canada.
Wilbur Smith Associates
Since 1962, Wilbur Smith Associates has been NTTA's traffic and revenue engineer, studying population, traffic and economic trends to forecast likely traffic and toll revenue for each NTTA project. NTTA relies on those projections to borrow billions of dollars to build its roads.
Locke Lord Bissell & Liddell
Locke Lord Bissell & Liddell and its predecessor firms have been NTTA's outside general counsel since the agency's founding in 1953. Charles Purnell, a partner in one of the predecessor firms in Dallas, is credited with writing the statute in 1953 that formed the Texas Turnpike Authority, which became the NTTA in 1997.
McCall Parkhurst & Horton
McCall Parkhurst & Horton has been NTTA's bond counsel since 1955. Founded in 1919, the firm has three Texas offices and focuses exclusively on public finance law. It was the first Texas firm to issue an approving opinion for a bond issue in Texas that was accepted by the national financial markets.
The Fort Worth Star-Telegram article on the 11 propositions passed by voters yesterday contained a quote that would be funny ha-ha if it weren’t so funny weird/tragic.
The story describes how Texans stood tall in favor of property rights by voting a whopping 81 percent in favor of Proposition 11, which restricts government entities that want to nab your private property at a pittance by using eminent domain, and then turning it over to private developers who make a fortune at your expense.
Texans began clamoring for the added protections after the U.S. Supreme Court’s controversial decision in 2005 to allow using eminent domain for private development purposes.
The Star-T article quotes Gov. Rick Perry saying the voters “sent a clear message: Don’t mess with private property rights.”
What the article failed to mention was that Perry vetoed a similar proposition in 2007 even though it was passed overwhelmingly in the state House and Senate.
At the time, Perry was touting the Trans-Texas Corridor.
In other words, he wanted to allow a foreign-owned company to rely on eminent domain powers to take private property from farmers, landowners, and homeowners, and then turn that land into a toll road that most Texans didn’t even want.
So he vetoed a proposition that had been handily passed by your elected representatives. That was the first insult. Now, he’s using the old “don’t mess with property rights” blah-blah-blah while basking over the passage of a proposition that could have been established two years ago if not for him.
But Perry’s got good hair… and he’s so handsome that even a hottie like Sarah Palin (okay, a mentally disturbed hottie) looks awed by his visage. So voters will probably re-elect him again.
And maybe put a guy like Hank Gilbert in the governor's office?
The rancher Democrat announced his transportation plan yesterday in Fort Worth, including an 8-cent gas-tax hike and permanent indexing of the tax to cost of construction.
It came on the same day as doomsday scenarios laid out elsewhere in Fort Worth, before the Texas Transportation Commission. Money for roads continues to slide by the billions as cars use less fuel.
Coincidentally, regional transportation guru Michael Morris suggested to commissioners that traffic and roads might get so bad that voters could end up supporting raising taxes for roads.
Enter Gilbert. Does he have a chance with voters with his tax plan, as Morris might suggest? One trade-off Gilbert offering is to make it very tough to get more toll roads built. He has strong backing of anti-tollers across the state.
Gilbert said his gas tax plan would cost the average commuter between $1.20 and $1.60 a fillup. Say that's $10 a month for a lot of people. It could sound like a bargain for those who pay as much in tolls as they do to the electric company each month. A Frisco resident who commutes downtown on the tollway pays more than $8 a day if they have a TollTag.
Other things to like about Gilbert from the standpoint of local transportation officials: He is bullish on mass transit. (Aside: That could win him points with this newspaper's editorial board, considering our years-long push for expanding regional rail transit.)
The Gilbert plan says:
Improving and further integrating additional transit models into Texas' transportation infrastructure makes both financial and environmental sense. Hank proposes making more state funds available to cities to improve existing transit systems in the state's major metropolitan areas.Hank also proposes funding more "ring line" transit routes and commuter/light rail systems to allow commuters to travel around a city's center without going through it, and connecting these ring lines to existing transportation infrastructure to make public transportation more efficient and consumer-friendly. ...
Hank proposes expanded high speed commuter rail lines. Hank proposes funding to allow cities with large suburban populations to create (or expand) commuter rail to help commuters get in and out of major metro areas faster and more efficiently.
Like it or not, Gilbert has the only transportation plan out there among challengers to Rick Perry from either party.



In The Warning, veteran FRONTLINE producer Michael Kirk unearths the hidden history of the nation's worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. At the center of it all he finds Brooksley Born, who speaks for the first time on television about her failed campaign to regulate the secretive, multitrillion-dollar derivatives market whose crash helped trigger the financial collapse in the fall of 2008.
"I didn't know Brooksley Born," says former SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt, a member of President Clinton's powerful Working Group on Financial Markets. "I was told that she was irascible, difficult, stubborn, unreasonable." Levitt explains how the other principals of the Working Group -- former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan and former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin -- convinced him that Born's attempt to regulate the risky derivatives market could lead to financial turmoil, a conclusion he now believes was "clearly a mistake."
Born's battle behind closed doors was epic, Kirk finds. The members of the President's Working Group vehemently opposed regulation -- especially when proposed by a Washington outsider like Born.
"I walk into Brooksley's office one day; the blood has drained from her face," says Michael Greenberger, a former top official at the CFTC who worked closely with Born. "She's hanging up the telephone; she says to me: 'That was [former Assistant Treasury Secretary] Larry Summers. He says, "You're going to cause the worst financial crisis since the end of World War II."... [He says he has] 13 bankers in his office who informed him of this. Stop, right away. No more.'"
Greenspan, Rubin and Summers ultimately prevailed on Congress to stop Born and limit future regulation of derivatives. "Born faced a formidable struggle pushing for regulation at a time when the stock market was booming," Kirk says. "Alan Greenspan was the maestro, and both parties in Washington were united in a belief that the markets would take care of themselves."
Now, with many of the same men who shut down Born in key positions in the Obama administration, The Warning reveals the complicated politics that led to this crisis and what it may say about current attempts to prevent the next one.
"It'll happen again if we don't take the appropriate steps," Born warns. "There will be significant financial downturns and disasters attributed to this regulatory gap over and over until we learn from experience."
© 2009 FRONTLINE: www.pbs.org
This is a scary story. The Statesman reported yesterday that Governor Perry is removing Linus Wright, a former Dallas school superintendent, as chair of the board that oversees the $88 billion Teacher Retirement System and will replace him with a current board member who is also a member of Perry’s campaign finance team, Dallas real estate investor R. David Kelly. (Wright succeeded Jim Lee, who was one of three co-chairs of the Perry fundraising apparatus; Lee had resigned in the wake of news reports that he had run up six-figure gambling debts in Las Vegas.)
The removal of Wright occurred just a few days after Perry had announced the death of the Trans-Texas Corridor. The juxtaposition of events reminds me of the old Mark Twain line: “Reports of my death were greatly exaggerated.”
The concern is that the governor’s office has installed a crony as chairman who will urge the board to invest retirement system funds in toll roads as a means to pump money into funding-starved TxDOT. Perry appointees who don’t go along–as we have learned in the case of board of regents and the Forensic Science Commission–are likely to find themselves replaced.
I’m not just being an alarmist here. Remember, in the summer of 2008, Perry, Dewhurst, and Craddick signed a letter agreeing to work together to find a way to pay for new roads. An earlier Statesman story about the agreement said:
One prong of the plan would create a Transportation Finance Corporation to allow state investment funds — including the state employee and teacher retirement systems, among others — to directly invest in state transportation projects. Combined, the two state systems manage $135 billion in assets.
But TRS and ERS officials “took a cautious view of investing in state projects in testimony this year before the Senate Finance Committee, saying a mandate to invest in Texas infrastructure could conflict with their duty to find the best return on investment for retirees.”
Toll roads are highly questionable investments. Their success depends entirely on the accuracy of traffic forecasts, which can be influenced by consultants who tell roadbuilders (and pension funds) what they want to hear. The industry newsletter TOLLROADS NEWS reported on October 9 that a major toll road in South Carolina is insolvent and about to default:
US Bank, trustees for the bondholders of Connector 2000 Association, the owner of the Southern Connector tollroad in Greenville South Carolina have issued an official notice that they expect a default Jan 1, 2010 with insufficient funds being available from the pike to make debt service that’s due.
Here’s another story of a toll road that failed to make projections, also from TOLLROADS NEWS. This one is in Jackson, MS. It never even got to the starting gate:
Mississippi DOT (MsDOT) have announced “suspension” of the procurement process for a private sector concession to build the state’s first tollroad in the modern era – Jackson Airport Parkway. The concession financing depended on federal TIFIA loan support which is only provided if the rating agencies provide an investment grade rating to senior debt.
Three shortlisted potential concessionaires told MsDOT they couldn’t get the needed investment grade ratings for their loan financing, an official told us, so they were not able to make proposals which were formally due next week – Sept 15.
A statement from MsDOT quotes Executive Director Larry L (Butch) Brown as “disappointed” but saying that the parkway “project, like many other greenfield toll road projects, is suffering from general economic weakness and tight credit markets which limit the amount of credit and capital available for new transportation projects.”
Brown is quoted further: “The private sector needs to demonstrate that it can deliver meaningful savings versus a traditional MDOT financing and delivery plan. For example, unless private sector bidders can genuinely deliver construction cost savings, operational savings, or financing savings, the numbers just don’t work. In this economy, revenue projections are under pressure and investment grade ratings for the project’s senior debt are difficult to obtain.“
Trust funds should be invested conservatively — or, at the very least, in ventures that are medium-risk, not in toll roads and startups related to the governor’s Emerging Technology Fund, which, along with the Texas Enterprise Fund, suffered a $200M decrease in funding as punishment for Perry’s questionable wheeling and dealing. It will be very tempting for the governor to get Kelly to back his pet projects from the Emerging Technology Fund. These startups are likewise high-risk.
I don’t believe for a moment that Perry or TxDOT have given up on the Corridor. This paragraph from a 2008 article in the Star-Telegram is all you need to know:
Speaking on a conference call from Iraq, where he is visiting troops with other governors, Perry said highways that would run parallel to north-south I-35 are still needed. The state’s commitment to building roads is what attracts many companies and jobs to the state, he said.
* * * *
The thing I find most interesting is that Perry removed Wright and replaced him with a crony in the middle of a governor’s race. What does that tell us? I think it says that he is supremely confident and he is going to do whatever he feels like doing and doesn’t care what the media (much less bloggers) are going to say about it. He had to know what people were going to say about his replacement of Wright, especially coming on the heels of his evisceration of the Forensics Commission, and he did not care. Rick Perry is one tough guy. Don’t think I don’t admire that.
If you are not a member of American Stewards, we invite you to join us. Click Here to sign up.
If you would like to learn more about the coordination strategy used to stop the I-35 Trans Texas Corridor, make plans to attend our annual conference, November 5-7 in Denver, Colorado where we will spend two-and-a-half days teaching you how you too can bring home local control. Click Here to learn about the conference.
Click Here to read the press release.
Click Here to read the petition to the FHA.
Click Here to read more about Texas coordination.
© 2009 American Stewards of Liberty: www.stewards.usTYLER—Although the Texas Department of Transportation is claiming the controversial Trans Texas Corridor is dead, Democratic Gubernatorial Candidate Hank Gilbert today warned Texans that the state is still likely on the hook for billions for terminating its contract with the company hired to build TTC 35.
Gilbert, who led the charge to kill the Trans Texas Corridor over the last several years and co-founded Texans Uniting for Reform and Freedom, an anti-toll road organization with San Antonio activist Terri Hall, says the TTC will get the most expensive funeral of any project in state history.
“At a time when our state budget is already stretched to the limit, I’d love for Governor Perry to tell us where the money is going to come from to pay off Cintra-Zachry for terminating this contract. They’ve already paid the state $1.2 billion in concessions to develop this giant land grab. You can’t tell me they aren’t going to get that—and more—back from the state and Texas taxpayers,” Gilbert said.
Cintra, a Spanish-owned company, partnered with Texas-based H.B. Zachry Construction to bid on and ultimately win the contract to build TTC 35, which the Texas Department of Transportation today announced was dead. TxDOT made a similar pronouncement in January.
“This is the second time TxDOT has allegedly killed the Trans Texas Corridor. Vampires die quicker than Rick Perry’s transportation policy,” Gilbert said. “I suspect the reason the death has been so slow is because the state has been wondering exactly how it will pay to terminate the agreement,” Gilbert said.
“Rick Perry’s debacle will cost the state a minimum of between $750,000 and $3.5 million dollars plus fees, charges, and penalties which could run into the hundreds of millions. It could take teams of lawyers and accountants months to determine the true dollar impact,” Gilbert said.
“The Comprehensive Development Agreement between TxDOT and Cintra-Zachry has paragraph after paragraph of termination clauses—including clauses relating to TxDOT terminating the contract for ‘convenience.’ The big question right now that no one is asking is how much this is going to cost Texans,” Gilbert said.
“Rick Perry made the TTC a centerpiece of his election campaign in 2002. Now, in 2009, as he is in another fight for his political life, he’s stopping it—or so he says. He develops and ditches transportation policy based on his level of panic related to whether or not he is going to be beat at the polls. That’s not sound policy, that’s political opportunism,” Gilbert said.
TxDOT’s decision to ditch the TTC comes on the heels of the announcement that the Texas Farm Bureau AgFund PAC was endorsing Perry’s opponent, U.S. Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, in the GOP Primary. “There is no way that is a coincidence,” Gilbert said.
Gilbert also noted that Hutchison was far from blameless when it comes to Texas’ transportation woes.
“Senator Hutchison voted for SAFTEA-LU in 2005. This bill might as well have been captioned as enabling legislation for Rick Perry’s colluded vision for transportation policy in Texas. It designated 80 plus trade corridors including those that were part of the TTC plan, and gave the states the option to toll existing Interstate Highways. Her opposition to toll roads is, at best, insincere,” Gilbert said. “Those corridors will remain until Congress kills them. I don’t see Kay Bailey Hutchison introducing any legislation to that effect,” Gilbert noted.
“I would like to say this is a good day for Texas, because it appears that the hard work of myself, Terri Hall, and the 300,000 plus members of TURF, as well as the American Stewards of Liberty—all organizations who worked hard to kill the TTC—seems to be paying off.
But, it is the other payoff I’m worried about. I’m worried about Texas citizens now being on the hook to payoff Cintra-Zachry because Rick Perry allows his transportation policy to mirror his level of electoral panic,” Gilbert said. “It is a good day for the men and women who own hundreds of thousands of acres this mammoth highway would destroy, but a dark cloud still hangs over the state in fiscal terms,” he continued.
The Trans Texas Corridor: Brought To You By Rick; Enabled By Kay; Killed By Hank, TURF & American Stewards Of Liberty
TxDOT Has Already Spent Millions Developing The Now Dead Corridor. As of the end of FY 2008, TxDOT had spent at least $131 million on the Trans Texas Corridor, not including “indirect” costs. (Austin American-Statesman, January 9, 2009)
TTC 35 Is Dead, But How Big Are The Costs? TxDOT’s agreement with Cintra-Zachry to build the TTC 35 Corridor includes numerous clauses related to the termination of the development agreement, including a clause relating to TxDOT scuttling the project out of “convenience.” (Texas Department of Transportation TTC-35 High Priority Corridor Comprehensive Development Agreement, Conformed for Execution, 289215v22, March 11, 2005)
What About The $1.2 Billion? Cintra-Zachry (a consortium led by Texas-based H.B. Zachry Construction and Spanish company Cintra Concesiones de Infraestructuras de Transporte) paid the state $1.2 billion for the right to design, construct, and operate for up to 50 years a four-lane, 316 mile toll road running from the Dallas area to the San Antonio area. The proposal required the transfer of the right to build and operate TTC 35 as a toll road from the state to Cintra-Zachry. Now that TTC 35 is ‘dead,’ what happens to the $1.2 billion dollars? How much of a bill will Texans be responsible for?
The TTC Would Have Decimated Farms Across Texas. The Trans Texas Corridor was envisioned as a long-range plan for 4,000 miles of tollways, passenger, and freight rail lines. It was envisioned as up to 1,200 feet wide. The Austin American-Statesman called the TTC “a pasture- and cropland-consuming prospect that helped spark widespread opposition to the plan in rural Texas.” (Austin American-Statesman, January 9, 2009).
The Trans Texas Corridor Is Rick Perry’s Political Vampire. This is at least the second time the state has proclaimed the Trans Texas Corridor as being “dead.” In spite of a major media event in Austin today to read the TTC its last rights, Governor Perry claimed the TTC was dead back in January:
Gov. Rick Perry in 2002 unveiled with great fanfare the corridor plan as an almost $200 billion blueprint for the state’s transportation future and then took withering criticism for it in a tough 2006 re-election race. On Tuesday, he said, “The days of the Trans-Texas Corridor are over.” (Austin American-Statesman, January 7, 2009)
TxDOT officials, who will again declare the TTC “dead” today made similar pronouncements a month ago:
“Make no mistake: The Trans-Texas Corridor as we have known it no longer exists,” TxDOT executive director Amadeo Saenz said in a speech at an annual transportation conference. (Dallas Morning News, January 7, 2009)
Like a vampire, the TTC seems almost impossible to kill. Perry pronounced it dead ten months ago this week, as did TxDOT. Yet, it still lingers on life support?
State Auditors Raised Numerous Questions Over Corridor, Corridor Contracts. The Texas State Auditor’s Office accused the Texas Department of Transportation of downplaying potential costs associated with TTC and criticized TxDOT for being secretive about information relating to the Cintra-Zachry contract. TxDOT defended its more than a year of stalling on releasing portions of the contract in spite of the auditor’s rebukes. (Austin American-Statesman, February 24, 2007).
Perry’s Toll Road/TTC Policy Got Him Heavy Cash From Connected Donors. As of 2006, Governor Perry had received more than $1.2 million from individuals or political action committees with a stake in the Trans Texas Corridor. (San Antonio Express-News, November 4, 2006).
Governor Perry has received more than $200,000 from Zachry family members alone:
| Contributor Name | Employer | Filer Name | Amount | Date | Report # |
| Zachry, David | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 11/4/2002 | ||
| Zachry, David | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,200.00 | 10/29/2003 | ||
| Zachry, David | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 11/14/2003 | ||
| Zachry, David | Zachry Construction Corporation | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,500.00 | 10/10/2005 | |
| Zachry, David | Zachry Construction Corporation | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 11/27/2007 | |
| Zachry, David | Zachry Construction Corporation | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,500.00 | 11/24/2008 | |
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 7/30/2001 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $10,000.00 | 9/19/2001 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $5,000.00 | 10/7/2002 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $25,000.00 | 11/3/2003 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $5,000.00 | 2/27/2004 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $10,000.00 | 4/6/2004 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $10,000.00 | 7/7/2004 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $10,000.00 | 10/10/2005 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $15,000.00 | 10/31/2005 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $5,000.00 | 3/1/2006 | |
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $5,000.00 | 3/1/2006 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $20,000.00 | 3/1/2006 | ||
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $20,000.00 | 3/1/2006 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $25,000.00 | 11/27/2007 | |
| Zachry, H. | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $10,000.00 | 11/24/2008 | |
| Zachry, James | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,500.00 | 9/19/2001 | ||
| Zachry, James | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 10/7/2002 | ||
| Zachry, James | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,000.00 | 11/4/2003 | ||
| Zachry, James | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $2,500.00 | 10/10/2005 | |
| Zachry, James | Zachry Construction Corp. | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 11/24/2008 | |
| Zachry, John | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 9/19/2001 | ||
| Zachry, John | Texans For Rick Perry, | $5,000.00 | 10/1/2001 | ||
| Zachry, John | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 10/7/2002 | ||
| Zachry, John | Texans For Rick Perry, | $1,000.00 | 11/4/2003 | ||
| TOTAL | $203,200.00 |
(Texas Ethics Commission)
Senator Hutchison Has Taken Thousands From The Zachry Family, Too. Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison is also a favorite of H.B. Zachry Company family members:
| Contributor | Address | Date | Amount | Emp./Occup. | Image Number |
| ZACHRY, BARTELL | SAN ANTONIO | 12/31/2007 | 400 | ZACHRY CONSTRUCTION CORP./C.E.O. | |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 1/23/2004 | 2000 | H B ZACHRY COMPANY | |
| TX 78224 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 6/9/1999 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY COMPANY | 99020081955 |
| TX 78224 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 1/23/2004 | 2000 | H B ZACHRY COMPANY | |
| TX 78224 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 7/1/1999 | -1000 | H B ZACHRY CO | 20020070867 |
| TX 78224 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 2/25/1997 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY COMPANY | 97020071979 |
| TX 78221 | |||||
| ZACHRY, DAVID S | SAN ANTONIO | 7/1/1999 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY CO | 20020070867 |
| TX 78224 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR | SAN ANTONIO | 6/15/2004 | 2000 | ZACHRY CONSTRUCTION CO | |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MR | SAN ANTONIO | 2/21/1997 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY | 97020071979 |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MR | SAN ANTONIO | 6/25/2003 | 2000 | ZACHRY CONSTRUCTION CO | |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MR | SAN ANTONIO | 3/12/1997 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY | 97020071980 |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 6/25/2003 | 2000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 3/12/1997 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | 97020071979 |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 6/15/2004 | 2000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, H B JR MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 2/21/1997 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | 97020071979 |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, J P MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 4/4/1997 | 2000 | HOMEMAKER | 97020071980 |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, J P MRS | SAN ANTONIO | 4/19/1997 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | 97020071980 |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, JOHN B | SAN ANTONIO | 1/23/2004 | 2000 | H B ZACHRY CORPORATION | |
| TX 78221 | |||||
| ZACHRY, JOHN B | SAN ANTONIO | 3/10/1997 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY COMPANY | 97020071980 |
| TX 78221 | |||||
| ZACHRY, JOHN B | SAN ANTONIO | 1/23/2004 | 2000 | H B ZACHRY CORPORATION | |
| TX 78221 | |||||
| ZACHRY, JOHN B | SAN ANTONIO | 6/1/1999 | 1000 | H B ZACHRY CORPORATION | 99020081955 |
| TX 78221 | |||||
| ZACHRY, LAURA | SAN ANTONIO | 3/7/2006 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, LAURA B | SAN ANTONIO | 4/21/2005 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, MOLLIE | SAN ANTONIO | 12/31/2007 | 400 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78205 | |||||
| ZACHRY, NANCY | SAN ANTONIO | 3/28/2006 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, NANCY | SAN ANTONIO | 9/27/2006 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78209 | |||||
| ZACHRY, NANCY E | SAN ANTONIO | 1/23/2004 | 1000 | HOMEMAKER | |
| TX 78209 |
(Federal Election Commission)
Hutchison Enabled Governor Perry’s Trans Texas Corridor. Senator Hutchison voted for legislation allowing tolls to be charged on interstate highways, and established an Interstate Highway construction toll pilot program. This program allowed states, like Texas with the Trans Texas Corridor, to collect tolls on a highway, bridge, or tunnel on the Interstate Highway System in order to construct more Interstate Highways. (HR 3, 109th Congress, 1st Session, Vote 220, July 29, 2005)
Perry Said Trans Texas Corridor Would Be Great For Texas. Among his more outlandish claims, Governor Perry claimed that the Trans Texas Corridor would be beneficial for the Texas environment and actually reduce air pollution, and make Texans better stewards of our environment. (Editorial by Rick Perry; Press Release, Office of the Governor)
No Other Democrat Has Credibility On Private Property Rights. Tom Schieffer was a key player in the first instance of the use of eminent domain in Texas to seize privately held land for an entertainment venue. Between 11 and 13 acres ultimately controlled by the Texas Rangers’ were acquired through eminent domain with landowners owners receiving only $817,220 for the land, which a court later valued at being worth $4.98 million dollars. When landowners sued to get what they should have rightfully received for their land, Tom Schieffer said it was the “silly season in politics” and claimed the suit was a political stunt to derail his friend George W. Bush’s gubernatorial campaign. (SOURCE: Arrillaga, Pauline. “Property owners sue Bush, other officials.” Austin American-Statesman, September 1, 1994 & Zimbalist, Andrew. “If the Washington Redskins Are Worth $800 Million,” Texas Monthly, September, 1999.)
© 2009 Hank Gilbert for Governor: hankgilbert.com